Pakistan is currently grappling with political uncertainty, administrative dysfunction, and a severe economic crisis. A recent Governance and Corruption Diagnostic Assessment (GCDA) issued by the IMF revealed that the country's political and economic elite have virtually captured the state's policymaking process, effectively blocking the path to genuine economic progress. The report projects that implementing structural reforms to make Pakistan's governance structure transparent and effective could potentially boost the economy by 5 to 6.5 percent over the next five years, leading to sustained GDP growth.
The fundamental question, however, remains: How can Pakistan's chronic governance issues be resolved? What revolutionary reforms are needed to streamline the administrative structure and ensure easy, affordable, and timely service delivery, transparency, effective accountability, uniform application of law, and socioeconomic justice for the public? A major constitutional change has already occurred with the 27th judicial amendment, and the demand for administrative structural reforms is now louder than ever.
Experts contend that without the creation of new administrative units, it is impossible to achieve meaningful governance improvement, transfer powers to the grassroots level, foster social development, or ensure equitable distribution of funds. Mustafa Kamal of MQM has proposed an amendment to the constitutional procedure for creating new provinces, as Article 239 of the Constitution currently requires approval by a two-thirds majority of the concerned provincial assembly a major hurdle. Nearly all major political parties have historically supported the creation of new provinces, yet today, many are obstructing the process. The question is: why are political parties hesitant to move forward?
Figures like Faisal Vawda, Barrister Aqeel Malik, and Rana Sanaullah have hinted at potential amendments in the 28th Amendment regarding the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award and the local government system. Dr. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri and Mian Amir Mahmood also propose making every division a province as the sole solution to these issues. Political resistance remains high, particularly from the Pakistan People’s Party, which is unlikely to readily agree to new provinces, and the Punjab government, which may also resist.
Political and partisan interest’s aside, the core issue is that the existing provincial structure has become ineffective for public service delivery. Even the World Bank's (anticipated) 2025 report is said to classify Pakistan's current economic model as a failure. Better governance can only be achieved when powers and funds are genuinely devolved downwards, local governments are empowered, and administrative units are manageable in size. The 18th Amendment transferred powers from the federation to the provinces, but it failed to create a practical mechanism for further devolution within the provinces. As a result, power remained concentrated with the Chief Minister and the cabinet, and the benefits of the NFC funds did not reach the backward districts.
The benefits of strong local government and power decentralization are globally recognized as crucial for effective state functioning. Decentralization ensures that decisions are made closer to the people, leading to more responsive public services tailored to specific local needs, greater transparency, and enhanced accountability of elected officials to their immediate constituents. It breaks the cycle of "elite capture" by empowering local communities to directly manage their affairs. Global Examples: Germany's federal system grants its Länder (states) significant fiscal and legislative autonomy, ensuring robust regional economies and targeted service delivery. Similarly, the Philippines enacted the Local Government Code of 1991, devolving substantial powers including health, agriculture, and public works from the central government to local units (LGUs), which has been credited with improving local infrastructure and service efficiency. These models demonstrate that a robust local tier is not a threat to the federation but the very foundation of national stability and prosperity.
The path to a more efficient administrative structure, whether through forming new provinces or deepening devolution, is consistently reinforced by global experience, particularly in large and diverse nations. India, the world's most populous democracy (over 1.4 billion people) and a federal republic, manages its immense diversity through 28 States and 8 Union Territories, each with its own elected government and significant self-governing powers. This political decentralization allows for responsiveness to distinct regional languages, cultures, and economic needs, making the federal system robust and stable. Similarly, even in centralized states, administrative necessities often dictate internal divisions. Iran, with a population exceeding 86 million, is divided into 31 provinces (Ostan), and the relatively unitary Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (population over 32 million) is segmented into 13 administrative regions (or provinces), with major population centers like Riyadh and Mecca having their own local administrative structures. For Pakistan, a country struggling with the performance of its mega-provinces, embracing administrative and fiscal decentralization and establishing more manageable administrative units is not a fragmentation of the state, but a strategic imperative to strengthen the federation itself by reducing regional disparities, improving service delivery, and ensuring that diverse local populations feel an equitable stake in the central government's success.
To move past this gridlock, Pakistan needs to emulate global best practices. Just as India continues to divide its states based on population and administrative necessity, and the US maintains 50 fully responsible states, Pakistan must reform. The Ansari Report during General Zia's era also proposed 13 provinces, but no action was taken.
A National Commission should be formed in Pakistan to review the creation of new provinces and the NFC Award. This commission must, in consultation with all political parties and stakeholders, develop a clear formula for a new administrative structure, equitable fund distribution, and the restructuring of the Senate. The Pakistan Muslim League-N itself demanded such a commission in the National Assembly in 2012. Furthermore, granting constitutional status to the Provincial Finance Commission (PFC) similar to the NFC is now imperative to ensure funds reach the districts.
National consensus is vital so that decisions are based on administrative necessity rather than provincial, linguistic, or regional interests, thereby strengthening the federation and promoting national unity. Those in power must rise above personal and temporary gains and adopt the path of a Grand Dialogue to clear the way for the creation of new provinces on administrative grounds.